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When Precarious Bodies Resist, Disobey, Exist: Revolutionary Protests of Minoritized Women in the Middle East

SERAP ERINCIN


A little over a decade ago, in June 2013, a month after the Occupy Gezi protests had started in Istanbul, Turkey, I was presenting a paper on silent and still protest performances of civil disobedience and peaceful social movements at Stanford University. Occupy Gezi protests had cultivated a transborder affect—the sort witnessed during European or World Cup soccer games or national political elections—and had pinned all people from Turkey across the globe to their computers and smartphones as they gathered images and news from social and independent media. The protests thus became a part of my talk at the Performance Studies international (PSi #19) conference, barely a month after they had sparked, though I had initially planned to speak solely about another protest in the same city—one that had garnered much less attention in nearly 20 years than Occupy Gezi did in less than a month. My talk was devoted to a long-standing peaceful resistance performance by Kurdish women: the “Saturday Mothers,” as they came to be called after the day of the week on which they protested for decades in search of accountability for their disappeared children. Their silent and still protest was in part influenced by another women’s movement with global resonance: Argentina’s Mothers of Plaza de Mayo, who gathered in front of the presidential palace in Buenos Aires every week, starting in 1977.[1] Since 1995, the Kurdish mothers of the disappeared have gathered at noon on Saturdays in Galatasaray Square on Istiklal Avenue in Istanbul, holding silent vigils while wearing white headscarves and carrying portraits of their kids, bringing nothing but carnations—flowers traditionally brought to funerals in Turkey (figure 1).

Figure 1. A carnation laid on a stone structure in Istanbul during protests by the Saturday Mothers, 25 July 2015. (Photo by Serap Erincin)

Even at that early moment, it was apparent to me that the traditions of peaceful resistance protest in Turkey, which resonated all over the globe during Occupy Gezi, had been put in place by this minoritized women’s social movement that gathered in a tiny corner of the city each week, small in its footprint yet massive in its resilience and impact. In other words, I argue that had it not been for the fact that residents of Turkey had become well-versed in the performatives of silent and still protests in the middle of the pedestrian-only street that has long been considered to be where this massive 20 million city’s heart beats, the performatives of the Occupy Gezi movement that started in Istanbul wouldn’t have spread within a matter of days across the country as well as globally. What started as a small protest to resist the cutting of trees in Gezi Park at Taksim Square—the only green space in the city center—soon turned into a movement that protested neoliberal policies and social oppression more broadly. 

“Gezi was the first Turkish movement that reached exponential impact through digital diasporas and global communities. In Gezi, too, images of women first fighting for life, for trees in a park, then for social freedoms, galvanized the rhetoric of these communities.”



Most, if not all, of the initial striking images that represented Gezi in media were of women: civilian women bearing no arms, showing no violence, bursting with life, standing for freedom. There was the woman in the red dress, a university student, being tear-gassed by riot police in the park that city contractors had been bulldozing in preparation for the building of a shopping mall. Or the young woman standing in the middle of the street with her arms wide open, her chest bearing the impact of water firing from water cannons the riot police was using to disperse crowds. And women standing arm-in-arm, mothers of protestors at Occupy Gezi, who one night formed a chain around their adult children. Woman, life, freedom. Jin, jiyan, azadî: The Kurdish phrase that gained visibility in mainstream media as part of women’s struggles beyond the Middle East after 2022, as an extension of the movements following the death of Jina (Mahsa) Amini—a Kurdish-Iranian woman who died in police custody after being detained for allegedly disobeying Iran’s dress code for women. However, it has long been a global slogan for protests that stood against violence, patriarchy, and police states, and in solidarity for the freedom of all. Gezi was the first Turkish movement that reached exponential impact through digital diasporas and global communities. In Gezi, too, images of women first fighting for life, for trees in a park, then for social freedoms, galvanized the rhetoric of these communities.

Others have written about the role of Kurdish women in armed resistance and combat, sometimes also attributing the emergence of the slogan to such roots. For instance, more recently the media has widely covered Kurdish women in combat fighting ISIS. My focus, however, is on nonviolent resistance, peaceful protests, and civil acts of disobedience functioning to change society, both because I consider this to be the only means of effective protest and because I recognize a para/military uniform still performs an extension of patriarchy and militarism.[2] Narratives of women fighters, often pretty and attractive, captured in media—whether it’s Kurdish women fighting ISIS or Ukrainian women fighting Russian forces—do not empower women’s lives or freedom. Women have always been fighting in wars, whether in militarized attire or not. Such images, expressing wonder at feminine women wearing uniforms or holding massive guns, glorify symbols of power associated with patriarchy. When I look at these images of women, often gendered by their carefully framed beautiful long hair and attractive faces, I see the guns, rifles, and other machinery sold by the capitalists of the “civilized” western states profiteering from wars which nearly never happen on their own land. As such, I don’t consider women holding rifles or wearing helmets—performatives mostly associated with male masculinity and heroic or nationalist narratives—to be related to liberation, life, or feminisms.[3] The power afforded to embodying such patriarchal symbols reaffirms existing hegemonies, situating liberation in performatives of male masculinities and militarism rather than women or their role as fighters for liberation and equality.

Like Jina—who needed to officially use the Persian name Mahsa to be recognized by the Iranian state, but reportedly otherwise went by her Kurdish name Jina—Kurdish people in Turkey too for decades couldn’t claim agency even over their own names or the names of their children. As a Kurdish woman living in the cultural hegemony of Iran, unable to even publicly claim her name, Jina had an embodied experience of what it meant to be marginalized and to resist for change by disobeying the disciplining of her body and identity, through radical resistance. Kurdish women in Turkey, too, found expression for their suppressed identities through radical resistance.

Radical resistance puts marginalized bodies at stake, even when it does not bear the slightest hint of violence, oppression, or traditional active elements of resistance, such as chanting slogans. Its ultimate aim is not to create awareness or a cathartic experience; rather it aims to enact change from within. As such the pacifist acts of radical resistance—e.g., sitting in a public square, taking a headscarf off, cutting hair, defying authority through simply disobeying how and where your body needs to be—are much more threatening to the power of the patriarchy than organized marches on a Saturday afternoon, in designated spaces, joyfully wearing crafted pink hats by mostly white women who didn’t work the shifts, who could travel, who were allowed to be there and then, and wearing their pink beanies which did not disturb any authority disciplining women’s bodies and identities.[4]

“Peaceful protests of disobedience, e.g., the Salt March, the Civil Rights Movement, protests of Argentina’s Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo, transform society. These protests are embodied and thus harbor an affective nature. They don’t need translation, their messages cross the boundaries of state, nation, and language. They are transnational. They enact change by creating an emphatic understanding of the situation of the minoritized, marginalized subject resisting erasure and violence.”



I do see the value in such forms of resistance, in creating awareness. However, they don’t enact change or make revolutions. They don’t disrupt order. Kurdish women’s peaceful protests in Turkey taught Turkish society what it meant to show up and sit in a square where one is not expected to be present. They radicalize the setting just by taking up space, in silence, as a marginalized, minoritized group. The bodies of Kurdish women, sometimes dragged from the square by riot police, sitting together in mourning holding carnations and pictures of their lost beloveds, making their loss present in the absence of the disappeared, affectively show their grief.[5] Their resilience stops their lost ones from being completely disappeared. The brave women of Iran, too, taking their scarves off, making their hair visible by cutting locks from it, defied patriarchy similarly by simply existing visibly, risking their freedom or lives. Peaceful protests of disobedience, e.g., the Salt March, the Civil Rights Movement, protests of Argentina’s Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo, transform society. These protests are embodied and thus harbor an affective nature. They don’t need translation, their messages cross the boundaries of state, nation, and language. They are transnational. They enact change by creating an emphatic understanding of the situation of the minoritized, marginalized subject resisting erasure and violence.

Figure 2. Supporters join the protests of the Saturday Mothers at Galatasaray Square in Istanbul, 25 July 2015. (Photo by Serap Erincin)

Reimagining trajectories of radical feminisms

The third decade of the twenty-first century brought with it tangible reversal of progress in women’s rights and lives everywhere. In March 2021, Turkey withdrew from the Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention against gender-based violence due to increasing anti-queer policies. Just a few months after this, in August 2021, the Taliban regained control and started to slowly erase women from social life in Afghanistan, where U.S. forces had been stationed for 20 years. When I started thinking about my contribution to Feminist Futures, upon Sareh and Narges’s invitation, it was shortly after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, and I was living in New Orleans, Louisiana. I had just traveled to the International Federation for Theatre and Research World Congress in Iceland for that last week of June, when news of the ruling broke on June 24th. Such acute reversal of progress in women’s rights in the U.S. seemed surreal—if anyone had brought it up as a possibility two years prior, it would have seemed impossible. As someone who lived in New York City for a decade, has visited San Francisco several times, and has been to 44 of the 50 U.S. states, I can easily claim that New Orleans is one of the least conservative cities in the entirety of the U.S. Yet it’s located in one of the most conservative states in the country, with Mississippi—another conservative and the poorest state—on its eastern border. The trigger laws that went into effect immediately in Louisiana following the ruling outlawed abortion at all stages of pregnancy, without exception even for rape or incest. This instantaneously rendered women of the southern state, including those in New Orleans, living on the otherwise most liberal streets of the country, without freedom over or governance of their own bodies, no say on their own futures, no agency over their own lives. 

In the fall of the same year of 2022, in September, women in Iran yet again took to the streets to fight for their right to govern their own bodies. Through a simple act of silent resistance, by taking their headscarves off and letting their hair show or flow, women in Iran defied compulsory hijab laws, claiming their agency, while protesting the killing of Jina. This social movement too gained its life through digital communities as the images of women choosing how to wear their hair, some cutting it, reverberated online and through social media. The protests adopted the Kurdish slogan “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” as their affect resonated globally. Yet this time, to this Middle Eastern woman writing these words, who has lived most of her life in the West over the past 20 years, it seemed the resonance of Iranian women’s protests in the West had taken a different tone compared to the resonance of prior women’s protests in the Middle East. Perhaps with the realization that they too lacked agency over their own bodies in societies governed mostly by continuations of patriarchal systems, individuals and communities in the West adapted the protests rather than simply present them as the grievances of women living in oppressive societies in the “nonwestern” countries of the “third world.”

Figure 3. A 2024 mural in downtown Phoenix, Arizona, inspired by the Woman, Life, Freedom movement in Iran depicting Jina (Mahsa) Amini, with the colors of the Kurdish/Iranian flag adorning her hair, and former political prisoner Nasibeh Shamsaei, who was arrested for her participation in the “Girls of Enghelab [Revolution] Street” civil disobedience protests of 2017–18. (Photo by Serap Erincin)


Figure 4. The placard next to the mural in figure 3 providing context and pointing out that the mural was commissioned by the Phoenix Vice Mayor Yassamin Ansari, a daughter of immigrants from Iran, to San Francisco-based Iranian artist Farnaz Zabetian. Local artists Farnaaz Mansouri and Leila Parnian also contributed to the project. (Photo by Serap Erincin)


In the fall of the same year of 2022, in September, women in Iran yet again took to the streets to fight for their right to govern their own bodies. Through a simple act of silent resistance, by taking their headscarves off and letting their hair show or flow, women in Iran defied compulsory hijab laws, claiming their agency, while protesting the killing of Jina. This social movement too gained its life through digital communities as the images of women choosing how to wear their hair, some cutting it, reverberated online and through social media. The protests adopted the Kurdish slogan “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî” as their affect resonated globally. Yet this time, to this Middle Eastern woman writing these words, who has lived most of her life in the West over the past 20 years, it seemed the resonance of Iranian women’s protests in the West had taken a different tone compared to the resonance of prior women’s protests in the Middle East. Perhaps with the realization that they too lacked agency over their own bodies in societies governed mostly by continuations of patriarchal systems, individuals and communities in the West adapted the protests rather than simply present them as the grievances of women living in oppressive societies in the “nonwestern” countries of the “third world.”

Meanwhile, women continued to lose agency in their private lives and publicly. Jacinda Ardern, then Prime Minister of New Zealand and one of the very few women heads of state in westernized countries, resigned in the first month of 2023, followed a few months later by Sanna Marin, the former Prime Minister of Finland. Both women left their office before the end of their term. Progress for women and queer people had regressed decades all over the world. In light of all this, the urges empowering Iranian women’s protest resonated not just for Middle Eastern, brown, or nonwestern women’s freedoms but for all feminist futures invoking the strength of all women’s movements. As such, the Woman, Life, Freedom movement resonates not just for Jina Amini, or Kurdish women, or for Iranian women, but also for women in Turkey and Louisiana, and New Zealand and Finland too. And everywhere where women and queer people—including the so-called civilized, westernized, first world, especially for those belonging to minoritized groups—suffered from the harms of patriarchy and resisted neoliberal and oppressive state policies that robbed them of their agency. When I ran into a mural commemorating the Iranian movement in downtown Phoenix, Arizona—the fifth largest U.S. city, where I’d been residing a little over half a year—I saw it not as a localized reference, but rather a global signifier indicating the path of feminist futures and women of color feminisms (figures 3 and 4). 

“… I recognize the role of Turkey’s Kurdish women, especially the Saturday Mothers, in the genealogy of global protests, specifically feminist protests and civil disobedience, not just for the more recent movements in Turkey such as Occupy Gezi, but also for all revolutionary social movements ...”



It wasn’t lost on me, but it took me a while to be acutely aware that it was not a coincidence that the women’s movement in Iran had adopted the slogan that had emerged from Kurdish women—one of the most minoritized groups in all of the Middle East, with grievances going across the artificial national borders drawn by western colonial powers. As such I recognize the role of Turkey’s Kurdish women, especially the Saturday Mothers, in the genealogy of global protests, specifically feminist protests and civil disobedience, not just for the more recent movements in Turkey such as Occupy Gezi, but also for all revolutionary social movements which designate feminist epistemologies at the core of their liberatory, decolonial ontologies, standing against cis-white-heteropatriarchy, state oppression (especially within nation states), violent capitalism, settler colonialism, and now neoliberalism. 

ENDNOTES

1. For more background and analysis of Argentina’s Mothers of Plaza de Mayo see Diana Taylor’s chapter "Trapped in Bad Scripts: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and the Struggle for Human Rights in Argentina” in Disappearing Acts: Spectacles of Gender and Nationalism in Argentina’s “Dirty War” (1997:123–45).

2. For a more focused discussion on the implications of celebrating women in military uniforms, see Sahana Ghosh’s 2024 article published by Feminist Futures, “Feminism as Militarism, Feminism in Uniform,” which came out while this article was in press. 

3. Just as I don’t see women wearing men’s suits to signify increased gender equality in business or politics.

4. For more on the now infamous “pussyhats,” see Patricia Ybarra and Marlon Jiménez Oviedo’s contribution to Feminist Futures (2023), “El Violador Eres Tú: Interrupting State Performances of Patriarchy.”

5. Elsewhere I analyze in more detail how “such silent or still performance transmits affect and translates catastrophe and the pain of ‘the Other’ into shared experience” (Erincin 2023:285). For additional extensive discussion of how silent and still performances transmit affect, also see Erincin (2016) and Erincin (2024).

REFERENCES

Erincin, Serap. 2016. “Digital Media and Performance Activism: Technology, Biopolitics, and New Tools of Transnational Resistance.” Liminalities: A Journal of Performance Studies 12, 3: 1–12. 

Erincin, Serap. 2023. “Regarding the Pain of ‘the Other’: Performing Home in Diaspora and the Politics of Transdiasporic Identity.” In The Routledge Handbook of Ethnicity and Race in Communication, eds. Bernadette Marie Calafell and Shinsuke Eguchi, 284–99. New York, NY: Routledge.

Erincin, Serap. 2024. “Claiming Agency in the Disappearing Body: Performing Hunger as Silent Resistance and the Decolonial Self.” Joint issue of Global Performance Studies 6, 1/2 and Performance Research 28, 7.

Ghosh, Sahana. 2024. “Feminism as Militarism, Feminism as Uniform.” In Feminist Futures, edited by Narges Bajoghli and Sareh Afshar, www.rethinkingiran.com/feminist-futures/feminism-militarism-feminism-uniform-sahana-ghosh.

Taylor, Diana. 1997. Disappearing Acts: Spectacles of Gender and Nationalism in Argentina’s ‘Dirty War.’ Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Ybarra, Patricia, and Marlon Jiménez Oviedo. 2023. “El Violador Eres Tú: Interrupting State Performances of Patriarchy.” In Feminist Futures, edited by Narges Bajoghli and Sareh Afshar, www.rethinkingiran.com/feminist-futures/el-violador-eres-tu-interrupting-patriarchy-patricia-ybarra.

CITATION

Erincin, Serap. 2025. “When Precarious Bodies Resist, Disobey, Exist: Revolutionary Protests of Minoritized Women in the Middle East.” In Feminist Futures, edited by Narges Bajoghli and Sareh Afshar, 18 August, www.feministfutures.org/feminist-futures/when-precarious-bodies-resist-disobey-exist.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Serap Erincin, an artist scholar from Istanbul, is Assistant Professor of Performance Studies and Inter/Cultural Studies and affiliate faculty at the Melikian Center at Arizona State University and the vice president of PSi, Performance Studies international. She is the editor of Solum and Other Plays from Turkey and a special issue of Liminalities on silence and resistance. She publishes widely on experimental performance and technology and social justice performance. Her work persistently focuses on questions of home, belonging, and exclusion regarding minoritized identities to bring further visibility to global injustices through art and scholarship. She presented her work on six continents. Her performances and installations intersect narratives of social justice and environmental concerns.


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